Morphotactics

<p>1 Introduction: The Structure of Spellout </p><p>1.1 Major Claims of This Book </p><p>1.2 Distributed Morphology and the Division of Labor in Word Formation</p><p>1.2.1 An Overview of the Serial and Modular Components</p><p>1.2.2 An Overview of DM Elements and Operations</p><p>1.3 The Basque Language</p><p>1.3.1 Geographic and Demographic Background</p><p>1.3.2 Orthography and Other Conventions in Representing Basque Sentences</p><p>1.3.3 Sources of Data </p><p>1.4 Brief Overview of Basque Syntax and Morphology</p><p>1.4.1 Argument Structure and Case</p><p>1.4.2 The Syntax and Morphology of DPs</p><p>1.4.3 The Syntax of Auxiliaries: T, C, and Agreement</p><p>1.4.4 The Syntax of Auxiliaries and Pronominal Clitics</p><p>1.4.5 Other Aspects of Verbal Syntax</p><p>1.5 Overview of the Book</p><p> 2 The Syntax of Cliticization and Agreement</p><p>2.1 Introduction</p><p>2.2 Clitic Placement</p><p>2.2.1 Clitic Generation</p><p>2.2.2 Clitic Movement</p><p>2.2.3 Alternative Analyses of Cliticization</p>2.2.4 Summary: The Syntax of Cliticization</p><p>2.3 The Person-Case Constraint and Absolutive Promotion</p><p>2.3.1 The Person-Case Constraint in Basque</p><p>2.3.2 Absolutive Promotion</p><p>2.3.3 Movement Verbs and PCC Effects</p><p>2.3.4 Other PCC Repairs</p><p>2.4 Agreement</p><p>2.4.1 Multiple Agree</p><p>2.4.2 Agree-Copy</p><p>2.4.3 Complementizer Agreement</p><p>2.4.4 Summary: The Syntax of Agreement</p><p>2.5 Default Agreement</p><p>2.6 Complementizers Within the Auxiliary Complex</p><p>2.7 Conclusion: Cliticization vs. Agreement</p><p>3 The Morphophonology of Basque Finite Auxiliaries</p><p>3.1 Introduction</p><p>3.2 Vocabulary Insertion </p><p>3.2.1 Contextual Restrictions and Linear Adjacency</p><p>3.2.2 Competition Among Vocabulary Entries</p><p>3.3 Clitic Realization in the Morphophonology</p><p>3.3.1 Clitics and Morpheme Order in the Auxiliary</p><p>3.3.2 The Realization of Clitics</p><p>3.3.3 Dative Clitics and Dative Flags</p><p>3.3.4 Plural Fission</p>3.3.5 On the Absence of Third Person Absolutive Clitics</p><p>3.3.6 On Plural Morphology in Basque Finite Verbs</p><p>3.4 The Realization of Agreement on T</p><p>3.4.1 Allomorphy in the Context of Ergative and Dative Clitics</p><p>3.4.2 Lekeitio</p><p>3.4.3 Ondarru and Zamudio</p><p>3.4.4 Multiple Agreement in Lekeitio</p><p>3.4.5 Summary</p><p>3.5 The Realization of Auxiliary Morphemes in Previous Accounts</p><p>3.6 Phonological Rules</p><p>3.6.1 Morpheme-Specific Rules</p><p>3.6.2 Syllabification and Related Processes</p><p>3.6.3 Other Phonological Processes</p><p>3.6.4 Rule Interaction</p><p>3.6.5 Rules that Apply Across Word Boundaries</p><p>3.6.6 Summary</p><p>3.7 Conclusion</p><p>4 Deletion Operations Targeting Morphological Markedness</p><p>4.1 Introduction</p><p>4.2 Distinctions Among Types of Postsyntactic Deletion Operations</p><p>4.3 Paradigmatic Markedness</p><p>4.3.1 Formal/Colloquial Neutralization</p><p>4.3.2 Paradigmatic Impoverishment in First Singular Clitics</p><p>4.4 Syntagmatic Markedness</p><p>4.4.1 Dissimilatory Deletion</p><p>4.4.2 3/3 Effects</p><p>4.5 On the Nonlinearity of Impoverishment</p><p>4.6 Participant Dissimilation</p><p>4.6.1 Ondarru</p><p>4.6.2 Zamudio</p><p>4.6.3 Other Varieties</p><p>4.6.4 On the Potential Diachronic Origins of Impoverishment Rules</p><p>4.7 Plural Clitic Impoverishment</p><p>4.8 A Concise Summary of All Impoverishment Rules Proposed</p><p>4.9 Impoverishment in the Light of Crossmodular Structural Parallelism</p><p> 5 Linearity-Based Morphotactics</p><p>5.1 Introduction</p><p>5.2 Generalized Reduplication and Constraints on Morpheme Order</p><p>5.2.1 Metathesis and Doubling in Spanish Agreement Morphology</p><p>5.2.2 Noninitiality, Metathesis, and Allomorph Selection in Old Irish</p><p>5.2.3 Noninitiality in Nonclausal Domains in Amharic and Lithuanian</p><p>5.2.4 Nonfinality and Morphological Epenthesis in Italian Infinitives</p><p>5.2.5 Multiple Wh-Movement and Constraints on Distance to the Edge</p><p>5.2.6 Morpheme-Specific Ordering Constraints in Athapaskan</p><p>5.2.7 Interim Conclusion</p>5.3 The Linearization of Plural Clitics</p><p>5.3.1 Absolutive Clitics and Local Plural Metathesis</p><p>5.3.2 Long-Distance Plural Metathesis and Doubling</p><p>5.3.3 Other Linear Operations Affecting Plural Clitics</p><p>5.3.4 Summary: Plural Morphemes and Linearization</p><p>5.4 Ergative Metathesis and Related Phenomena in Basque Finite Auxiliaries</p><p>5.4.1 Noninitiality and Ergative Metathesis</p><p>5.4.2 Ergative Doubling</p><p>5.4.3 L-Support</p><p>5.4.4 Ergative Metathesis and Doubling of Third Person Clitics</p><p>5.4.5 Summary: Noninitiality and Its Repairs</p><p>5.5 Ergative Metathesis as a Metathetic Phenomenon</p><p>5.6 Additional Repairs to T-Noninitiality</p><p>5.6.1 Dative Doubling in Oñati</p><p>5.6.2 A Typology of Dative Displacements</p><p>5.6.3 Allocutive Metathesis and Doubling</p><p>5.7 Linearization and Hierarchical Relations</p><p>5.7.1 Hierachical Relations in the Linear Operations Component</p><p>5.7.2 Root Reduplication in Ondarru  </p><p>5.7.3 Modal Particles and T-Noninitiality</p><p>5.8 Conclusion</p><p>6 Rule Interaction in a Serial and Modular Architecture</p><p>6.1 Introduction</p><p>6.2 Testing the Predicted Interactions</p><p>6.2.1 Promotion and Dissimilation: Feeding and Counterbleeding</p><p>6.2.2 Absolutive Promotion Opaquely Feeds Ergative Metathesis</p><p>6.2.3 Participant Dissimilation Feeds Ergative Metathesis</p><p>6.2.4 Participant Dissimilation Bleeds Ergative Metathesis</p><p>6.2.5 Participant Dissimilation Bleeds Root Reduplication</p><p>6.2.6 Promotion, Dissimilation, and Metathesis</p><p>6.3 Conclusion: Predictions of a Modular and Derivational Theory</p><p>7 Concluding Themes</p><p>7.1 Introduction</p><p>7.2 Distinguishing Types of Exponents</p><p>7.2.1 Plural Marking as a Microcosm of DM Operations</p><p>7.2.2 A Recap: Why Clitics and Agreement Must Be Distinguished in Basque</p><p>7.3 Crossmodular Structural Parallelism</p><p>7.3.1 Formalism and Features: Fission in Phonology and Morphology</p><p>7.3.2 Formalism and Features: Markedness and Impoverishment</p><p>7.3.3 Formalism: Metathesis/Reduplication in Morphology and Phonology</p><p>7.3.4 Architectural Formalism: Lexical Phonology and Modular Organization</p><p>7.3.5 Interim Conclusion</p><p>7.4 On the Methodological Cycle Between Cross-Dialectal Breadth and Depth</p><p>A Indicative Auxiliary Paradigms</p><p>B Dialect Classification</p><p>References</p><p>Name Index</p><p>Subject Index</p><p>Language Index (including Basque varieties)</p><p>